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The Nationalization of Hindu Traditions: Bharatendu Harischandra And Nineteenth Century Banaras
The Nationalization of Hindu Traditions: Bharatendu Harischandra And Nineteenth Century Banaras
Description
Back of the Book

This book studies how a dominant strand of Hinduism in North India – the tradition which uses and misuses the slogan Hindi – Hindi – Hindustan – came into being in the late nineteenth century. It uses the life and writings of Bharatendu Harishchandra (often called the father of Modern Hindi) as its focal point for an analysis of some of the vital cultural processes through which modern North India as we experience it today came to be formed.

First published in 1997 this book has been widely recognized as a work of exceptional scholarship with politically vital implications. It is reissued not with a new foreword by Francesca Orsini highlighting the nature of its importance.

Vasudha Dalmia is Professor of Hindu and modern South Asian Studies at the University of California Berkeley.

Introduction

Urban votaries of Hinduism in the twentieth century generally see no reason to question its monolithic character. All doubts on this score tend to be regarded as academic quibbling by the resurgent movements which have largely instrumentalized religion for political ends. Yet for all the efforts to eradicate signs of former pluralities the fissures remain apparent even today. Any serious analysis of the process of cementation which is still under way leads back to the nineteenth century for the movements to reformulate and reassert Hindu Dharma were to converge and ins some instances to clash with unprecedented momentum in the last decades of the century. Hinduism as it formed itself in the late nineteenth century worked with the postulation of a race of ancient Hindus thus for instance the title of R.C. Dutt’s book early Hindu civilization 2000 to 320BC. Based on Sanskrit literature (1888) as typical of the retrospective projection of a religious conceptualized as nonlinear. To question the nonlinearity in not to assert that the affinities invoked had not existed at all. There had been common traditions and common references points in the past but they had not necessarily solidified into the consolidated mass which Hinduism in the nineteenth century came to signify and which had new socio-political dimensions.

Dharma sabhas in the cause of Sanatana dharma had begun to spring up across the subcontinent since the thirties whether as a defensive measure against proposed Legislation as in the case of the dharma Sabha founded in Calcutta in 1831 when the practice of sati was banned or against rising missionary invective as in Maharashtra. The dharma sabhas were novel institution they had always mediated between the precepts of the Dharmasastra and actual contingency. In the nineteenth century however they no longer functioned with the authority of the political legislator to back them but, rather, against they very authority. Further they were no lover composed of learned Brahmins alone but also of the western educated urban intelligentsia. They were organized according to British models had presidents executive boards and secretaries and often functioned in strict accordance with British Parliamentary procedure. The notion of Santana dharma itself had remained anything but stationery through the ages. Its renewed propagation tended to congregate around these sabhas. However it would be a mistake to imagine that these institutions came into being only to conserve inherited practice. As always one of their vital functions was also to sanction change however minimal it might have appeared at first sight.

While sifting a wide range of Hindi literature in the nineteenth century I have found that even while defending tradition while emphasizing the sanatanata constancy of the ved puran vihit arya dharma the dharma of the Aryas as authorized by the canonical Vedas and puranas the spokesmen in the very name of orthodoxy of tradition itself were in fact accommodating and articulating wide reaching changes. The sanatanata which they so firmly posited was shifting ground whereby certain features which were proclaimed as characteristic were being foregrounded in a heretofore uncharacteristic manner. Though a number of studies of sanatana dharma leadership in the nineteenth century have been undertaken in the last two decades these movements often summarily denoted as revivalist have yet to be charted in any comprehensive fashion. There was no centrally co-ordinated traditionalist movement of subcontinent breadth. To these efforts to defend tradition which had certain features in common were added the more radical reform movements which have often been lumped together under the category neo-Hinduism. This so-called neo-Hindu rejoinder foremost in formation such as the Brahmo and Arya Samaj has been taken to represent the modernization of Hinduism. The more widespread less radical movements which together went into the making of modern sanatana dharma have often been seen as the slow adjustment of traditional Hinduism to the challenge of the modern age. Thought the more radical reform movements served as catalysts the most vital issues concerning notions of cultural religious and political identify were thrashed out in the traditionalist quarters as well and perhaps identity were lasting effect and it was here that the face of modern Hinduism – within which temple and varna continue to play a prominate role – was finally culation whereby usually only the so-called neo-Hindu movements are taken into consideration is generally described as the Hindu renaissance or simply renaissance. A closer inspection of the categories used to circumscribe and distinguish the movements may help to clarify the perspective adopted in this study.

Kenneth Jones who has to his credit detailed studies of the social and ideological impact of the Arya Samah in Punjab in the Period comes to the conclusion that in fact two broad types of response can be established (1989-:39). The one he sees as transitional i.e. when the movements concerned had their roots n the pr-colonial world were based on traditional forms of socio-religious dissent and had little or no contact with the colonial milieu, though later whey they perforce came in touch with it they had to make limited adjustments to it. The other kind of movements which he terms acculturative to it. The other kind had enjoyed English education he sees as originating in direct transaction with the colonial milieu. It is telling fact that when Jones comes to consider the situation in the North-western Provinces though the records the Deoband movement as specimen of the transitional variety form Islam there is no documentation of any Hindu formations of the sort. The changes in traditional formations widespread as they are, are simply not registers since they do not choose to define themselves as different and in fact emphasize the constancy of the tradition they stand for. As against this the arya Samaj allows itself to be readily classified as acculturative though its founder stemmed form as traditional milieu as any. Thus the social origin of the founders of the respective movements does not necessarily betray their programme. Further though Jones is a useful distinction it is equipped only to deal with movements which in the intensification of their position stand out sharply form the rest. Then applied to the actual situation in colonial India it leaves much of the broad based developments and changes undocumented. The task then is to collect evidence and locate the features which gained new emphasis in the confrontation with Christianity and the learning from the west and which in their turn made for cohesion in the broad base as it constituted itself at any satisfactory level of abstraction once the evidence for the subcontinent can be pieced together from a number of regional studies.

The Hindu response can obviously be divided into two broad groups for the purpose of analysis. Is it meaningful to retain the terms revivalist and reformist to distinguish between the two? Revival or Revivalism has n the past often been seen in opposition to modernization. At first sight this seems justified since the sanatana dharma movements propagate concepts and practice rooted in Sanskritic traditions. As we shall have occasion to not time and again in the course this study the nineteenth century social and religious leadership specially when defending sanatana dharma developed its own deliberately antiquarian vocabulary it set itself off from the modern. The traditional/Modern/ polarity used to establish the distinction between the indigenous and the alien was a part of the self representation of those of change. Yet to accept these poles as genuinely apart and immune to the influence of the other would be contrary to all the evidence presented in the documents of the period which bear witness to incessant change and exchange. There was intense interaction with missionaries orientalists and western ideas and many of the positions occupied by the votaries of sanatana dharma were commonly shared with the leaders of the reform movements who more explicitly propagated change. Though it needs to be noted here that if indeed there was change there were continuities as well and for certain strands of traditions continued to maintain their own and were set forth in one guise or another. The creative act of invention consisted in the rearrangement of older and newer concepts and practice and the historical links in time and space that were forged anew. A century later then it is important neither to be taken in by the antiquarianism of this language nor to fall into the trap of tracing all that was taking shape as sheer imitation of western models nationalist or otherwise. Revival then is not only misleading since if disallows the possibility of change it has the added disadvantage of having been used pejoratively all two often as if it referred to no more than outmoded religious practice which had lain inert up to then but which had ultimately refues to be suppressed by the more enlightened reform movements such as the Brahmo or even Arya Samah Lables such as revivalist have served to create closures and more often than not precluded any serious attempt to discern the selective criteria which were evolved in order to transpose traditional practice into a modernist mould a process which ostensibly functioned will enough to enable the varied streams of tradition which subsumed themselves under sanatana to flow into what was to constitute. Hinduism as a single religious and by extension political and national tradition.

The differences between the so called neo-Hinduism and traditional Hinduism have been treated most explicitly by Paul Hacker (1978). He sees nationalism in its peculiar Indian garb as being the chief impulse and distinguishing feature of neo-Hinduism religion being made subservient to the nationalist objective. The common trait which binds there otherwise heterogeneous movements is the predominantly western orientation of their intellectual formations. Further characteristics of neo-Hinduism are the assertion that Hinduism is a spiritual unity and that it has a message to proclaim to the world. While Hacker concedes that the traditionalists also share some of these concerns it is only in subsidiary fashion for as he sees it they owe primary allegiance to and stress the continuity of the Hindu tradition which by and large remains impervious to changes in the modern world. As Monika Horstmann has pointed out these assumptions cannot really stand the test of a closer inspection of the traditionalist positions. They not only constantly reinterpret and modify inherited practice they re fiercely nationalist as well and develop increasing missionary fervor with time.

What of the label reformist? Social reform was the one great concern of the century and reformist tendencies were common to all the movements. The difference lay only in selection and he degree of emphasis however formations such as the Brahmo and Arya Samaj were more radical in their approach and propagated more sweeping reforms than the dharma sabhas would have been prepared to concede.

What then are the differences and which nomenclatures can be meaningfully retained? I would suggest traditionalist as against revivalist to describe the one for their one binding rather than any breach with some original more pristine past which the more radical reform movements claimed to fill. The past invoked by the traditionalist was accessible in texts rituals social practice and institutions some of them going farther back in time while others were no older that the late eighteenth century. For the second group for lack of a better term while discarding neo-Hindu which reeks of Inauthenticity I would continue to use reformist.

The difference and similarities between to two groups can be broadly summed up as follows:1) The Traditionalist recognize the scriptural authority of both sruti and smrti where by itihasa and purana are considered a legitimate part of the evolution of scriptural tradition. As against this practice the reformists isolate one part of the scriptural traditional as exclusively authoritative this distinction being usually reserved for the Vedas. They tend to see the rest as corrupt or degenerate 2) for the first group the Dharmasastras remain authoriatives as sources for formulating religious and civil law and the essential validity of Varnasramdharma is not considered open to question. Though there is obvious modification and repeated concession to social change the authority of the Dharmasastra is sought to legitimate this thus the various Dharma Sabhas many of them short lived which were called into life by the exigency of British Legislative measure. The second group considers its own respective leaders as authoritative in this respect and does not recur to the authority of the Dharmasastra 3) the Traditionalists continue to lay stress on the centrality of the temple and ritual practice though here again various reformist measures are called for and sometimes even implemented. The reformists break way from all older places of worship and ritual and establish their own 4) The modes found to validate the respective traditions are often commonly shared for in addition to scripture the traditionalists also mobilize rationalist arguments is support of their cause as also historical scholarship foremost that of western orientalists 5) it is hereby the popular religious practice which continues to be considered a part of Hinduism branded as superstition and downgraded. Traditionalist as well as reformists are alike in their Condemnation of this superstitious practice.

Contents

1Introduction 1
2Constitution Tradition in Colonial India Hindi
Hindu Hindustan
21
How can India progress Harishchandra’s Viewpoint 21
The Colonial Government and the Formation of
Public Opinion
28
Hindus and Muslims, Hindustan, and Bharatvars 32
Assessing Harishchandra’s view Dichotomies
Ambivalences and the third Idiom
42
3The holy city as the source of Traditional Authority
and the house of Harishchandra
50
Banaras as the Holy city of the Hindus the Myth
in interpretation
50
The Rajas of Banaras and the creation of Hindu tradition 64
The Brahman Presence and the tradition of Learning 94
The colonial Experience the missionary Impact and
Cultural interaction
107
The house of Harishchandra of Banaras 117
Conclusion 143
4Hindi as the national Language of the Hindus 146
The Genesis of Hindi 146
The Development of Hindu/Bhakha as a literary
Language
152
East India company: the Language split and the
College of fort William
161
Addressing the Hindus in Hindu Missionary Tracts
and school Books
169
The court language controversy: Increasing
politicization and Ideologization
175
Codifying the language: Grammars and Dictionaries 181
Occupying the public Sphere: Harishchandra and the
Nationalist aspiration of Hindi
191
Conclusion 217
5The national Identity of the Hindus and the
Emergence of Hindi Literature: The Periodicals as a
Discursive Sphere
222
Language Literature and the politics of 222
Hindi Journals and the Formation of the public Sphere 227
The Role of Harishchandra Literary and Journalistic
Persona
232
Kavivachansudha236
Harishchandrachandrika241
Balabodhini245
Social and Political space: Demarcating the Middle
Ground
251
Hindi as a Literary language and Hindi literature as
the Autobiography of the nation
267
Mapping the Literary Terrain: the generic Encounter279
Poetry282
Prose Narrative291
Drama300
Prose Essay314
Travelogues 322
Book Reviews 328
Conclusion 335
6The Only Real Religious of the Hindus338
The Traditionalist response and the public sphere:
Harishchandra’s three Phases
338
The Colonial Framework missionary representations 342
The first Phase: Roots and their Offshoots 351
The kast Dharma Sabha 355
Critique of Sacerdotal tradition 362
Second phase assimilations and Demarcations 366
The Debate with the Reformists the Defense of
Image worship
381
Orietenlist Discourse construing the true religious
traditions of the Hindus
390
The Third phase Dharma as constituting the nation 411
Conclusion 425
7 Conclusion 430
Bibliography 440
Index 467

The Nationalization of Hindu Traditions: Bharatendu Harischandra And Nineteenth Century Banaras

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IHL296
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2010
Publisher:
Permanent Black
ISBN:
8178243040
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507
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Back of the Book

This book studies how a dominant strand of Hinduism in North India – the tradition which uses and misuses the slogan Hindi – Hindi – Hindustan – came into being in the late nineteenth century. It uses the life and writings of Bharatendu Harishchandra (often called the father of Modern Hindi) as its focal point for an analysis of some of the vital cultural processes through which modern North India as we experience it today came to be formed.

First published in 1997 this book has been widely recognized as a work of exceptional scholarship with politically vital implications. It is reissued not with a new foreword by Francesca Orsini highlighting the nature of its importance.

Vasudha Dalmia is Professor of Hindu and modern South Asian Studies at the University of California Berkeley.

Introduction

Urban votaries of Hinduism in the twentieth century generally see no reason to question its monolithic character. All doubts on this score tend to be regarded as academic quibbling by the resurgent movements which have largely instrumentalized religion for political ends. Yet for all the efforts to eradicate signs of former pluralities the fissures remain apparent even today. Any serious analysis of the process of cementation which is still under way leads back to the nineteenth century for the movements to reformulate and reassert Hindu Dharma were to converge and ins some instances to clash with unprecedented momentum in the last decades of the century. Hinduism as it formed itself in the late nineteenth century worked with the postulation of a race of ancient Hindus thus for instance the title of R.C. Dutt’s book early Hindu civilization 2000 to 320BC. Based on Sanskrit literature (1888) as typical of the retrospective projection of a religious conceptualized as nonlinear. To question the nonlinearity in not to assert that the affinities invoked had not existed at all. There had been common traditions and common references points in the past but they had not necessarily solidified into the consolidated mass which Hinduism in the nineteenth century came to signify and which had new socio-political dimensions.

Dharma sabhas in the cause of Sanatana dharma had begun to spring up across the subcontinent since the thirties whether as a defensive measure against proposed Legislation as in the case of the dharma Sabha founded in Calcutta in 1831 when the practice of sati was banned or against rising missionary invective as in Maharashtra. The dharma sabhas were novel institution they had always mediated between the precepts of the Dharmasastra and actual contingency. In the nineteenth century however they no longer functioned with the authority of the political legislator to back them but, rather, against they very authority. Further they were no lover composed of learned Brahmins alone but also of the western educated urban intelligentsia. They were organized according to British models had presidents executive boards and secretaries and often functioned in strict accordance with British Parliamentary procedure. The notion of Santana dharma itself had remained anything but stationery through the ages. Its renewed propagation tended to congregate around these sabhas. However it would be a mistake to imagine that these institutions came into being only to conserve inherited practice. As always one of their vital functions was also to sanction change however minimal it might have appeared at first sight.

While sifting a wide range of Hindi literature in the nineteenth century I have found that even while defending tradition while emphasizing the sanatanata constancy of the ved puran vihit arya dharma the dharma of the Aryas as authorized by the canonical Vedas and puranas the spokesmen in the very name of orthodoxy of tradition itself were in fact accommodating and articulating wide reaching changes. The sanatanata which they so firmly posited was shifting ground whereby certain features which were proclaimed as characteristic were being foregrounded in a heretofore uncharacteristic manner. Though a number of studies of sanatana dharma leadership in the nineteenth century have been undertaken in the last two decades these movements often summarily denoted as revivalist have yet to be charted in any comprehensive fashion. There was no centrally co-ordinated traditionalist movement of subcontinent breadth. To these efforts to defend tradition which had certain features in common were added the more radical reform movements which have often been lumped together under the category neo-Hinduism. This so-called neo-Hindu rejoinder foremost in formation such as the Brahmo and Arya Samaj has been taken to represent the modernization of Hinduism. The more widespread less radical movements which together went into the making of modern sanatana dharma have often been seen as the slow adjustment of traditional Hinduism to the challenge of the modern age. Thought the more radical reform movements served as catalysts the most vital issues concerning notions of cultural religious and political identify were thrashed out in the traditionalist quarters as well and perhaps identity were lasting effect and it was here that the face of modern Hinduism – within which temple and varna continue to play a prominate role – was finally culation whereby usually only the so-called neo-Hindu movements are taken into consideration is generally described as the Hindu renaissance or simply renaissance. A closer inspection of the categories used to circumscribe and distinguish the movements may help to clarify the perspective adopted in this study.

Kenneth Jones who has to his credit detailed studies of the social and ideological impact of the Arya Samah in Punjab in the Period comes to the conclusion that in fact two broad types of response can be established (1989-:39). The one he sees as transitional i.e. when the movements concerned had their roots n the pr-colonial world were based on traditional forms of socio-religious dissent and had little or no contact with the colonial milieu, though later whey they perforce came in touch with it they had to make limited adjustments to it. The other kind of movements which he terms acculturative to it. The other kind had enjoyed English education he sees as originating in direct transaction with the colonial milieu. It is telling fact that when Jones comes to consider the situation in the North-western Provinces though the records the Deoband movement as specimen of the transitional variety form Islam there is no documentation of any Hindu formations of the sort. The changes in traditional formations widespread as they are, are simply not registers since they do not choose to define themselves as different and in fact emphasize the constancy of the tradition they stand for. As against this the arya Samaj allows itself to be readily classified as acculturative though its founder stemmed form as traditional milieu as any. Thus the social origin of the founders of the respective movements does not necessarily betray their programme. Further though Jones is a useful distinction it is equipped only to deal with movements which in the intensification of their position stand out sharply form the rest. Then applied to the actual situation in colonial India it leaves much of the broad based developments and changes undocumented. The task then is to collect evidence and locate the features which gained new emphasis in the confrontation with Christianity and the learning from the west and which in their turn made for cohesion in the broad base as it constituted itself at any satisfactory level of abstraction once the evidence for the subcontinent can be pieced together from a number of regional studies.

The Hindu response can obviously be divided into two broad groups for the purpose of analysis. Is it meaningful to retain the terms revivalist and reformist to distinguish between the two? Revival or Revivalism has n the past often been seen in opposition to modernization. At first sight this seems justified since the sanatana dharma movements propagate concepts and practice rooted in Sanskritic traditions. As we shall have occasion to not time and again in the course this study the nineteenth century social and religious leadership specially when defending sanatana dharma developed its own deliberately antiquarian vocabulary it set itself off from the modern. The traditional/Modern/ polarity used to establish the distinction between the indigenous and the alien was a part of the self representation of those of change. Yet to accept these poles as genuinely apart and immune to the influence of the other would be contrary to all the evidence presented in the documents of the period which bear witness to incessant change and exchange. There was intense interaction with missionaries orientalists and western ideas and many of the positions occupied by the votaries of sanatana dharma were commonly shared with the leaders of the reform movements who more explicitly propagated change. Though it needs to be noted here that if indeed there was change there were continuities as well and for certain strands of traditions continued to maintain their own and were set forth in one guise or another. The creative act of invention consisted in the rearrangement of older and newer concepts and practice and the historical links in time and space that were forged anew. A century later then it is important neither to be taken in by the antiquarianism of this language nor to fall into the trap of tracing all that was taking shape as sheer imitation of western models nationalist or otherwise. Revival then is not only misleading since if disallows the possibility of change it has the added disadvantage of having been used pejoratively all two often as if it referred to no more than outmoded religious practice which had lain inert up to then but which had ultimately refues to be suppressed by the more enlightened reform movements such as the Brahmo or even Arya Samah Lables such as revivalist have served to create closures and more often than not precluded any serious attempt to discern the selective criteria which were evolved in order to transpose traditional practice into a modernist mould a process which ostensibly functioned will enough to enable the varied streams of tradition which subsumed themselves under sanatana to flow into what was to constitute. Hinduism as a single religious and by extension political and national tradition.

The differences between the so called neo-Hinduism and traditional Hinduism have been treated most explicitly by Paul Hacker (1978). He sees nationalism in its peculiar Indian garb as being the chief impulse and distinguishing feature of neo-Hinduism religion being made subservient to the nationalist objective. The common trait which binds there otherwise heterogeneous movements is the predominantly western orientation of their intellectual formations. Further characteristics of neo-Hinduism are the assertion that Hinduism is a spiritual unity and that it has a message to proclaim to the world. While Hacker concedes that the traditionalists also share some of these concerns it is only in subsidiary fashion for as he sees it they owe primary allegiance to and stress the continuity of the Hindu tradition which by and large remains impervious to changes in the modern world. As Monika Horstmann has pointed out these assumptions cannot really stand the test of a closer inspection of the traditionalist positions. They not only constantly reinterpret and modify inherited practice they re fiercely nationalist as well and develop increasing missionary fervor with time.

What of the label reformist? Social reform was the one great concern of the century and reformist tendencies were common to all the movements. The difference lay only in selection and he degree of emphasis however formations such as the Brahmo and Arya Samaj were more radical in their approach and propagated more sweeping reforms than the dharma sabhas would have been prepared to concede.

What then are the differences and which nomenclatures can be meaningfully retained? I would suggest traditionalist as against revivalist to describe the one for their one binding rather than any breach with some original more pristine past which the more radical reform movements claimed to fill. The past invoked by the traditionalist was accessible in texts rituals social practice and institutions some of them going farther back in time while others were no older that the late eighteenth century. For the second group for lack of a better term while discarding neo-Hindu which reeks of Inauthenticity I would continue to use reformist.

The difference and similarities between to two groups can be broadly summed up as follows:1) The Traditionalist recognize the scriptural authority of both sruti and smrti where by itihasa and purana are considered a legitimate part of the evolution of scriptural tradition. As against this practice the reformists isolate one part of the scriptural traditional as exclusively authoritative this distinction being usually reserved for the Vedas. They tend to see the rest as corrupt or degenerate 2) for the first group the Dharmasastras remain authoriatives as sources for formulating religious and civil law and the essential validity of Varnasramdharma is not considered open to question. Though there is obvious modification and repeated concession to social change the authority of the Dharmasastra is sought to legitimate this thus the various Dharma Sabhas many of them short lived which were called into life by the exigency of British Legislative measure. The second group considers its own respective leaders as authoritative in this respect and does not recur to the authority of the Dharmasastra 3) the Traditionalists continue to lay stress on the centrality of the temple and ritual practice though here again various reformist measures are called for and sometimes even implemented. The reformists break way from all older places of worship and ritual and establish their own 4) The modes found to validate the respective traditions are often commonly shared for in addition to scripture the traditionalists also mobilize rationalist arguments is support of their cause as also historical scholarship foremost that of western orientalists 5) it is hereby the popular religious practice which continues to be considered a part of Hinduism branded as superstition and downgraded. Traditionalist as well as reformists are alike in their Condemnation of this superstitious practice.

Contents

1Introduction 1
2Constitution Tradition in Colonial India Hindi
Hindu Hindustan
21
How can India progress Harishchandra’s Viewpoint 21
The Colonial Government and the Formation of
Public Opinion
28
Hindus and Muslims, Hindustan, and Bharatvars 32
Assessing Harishchandra’s view Dichotomies
Ambivalences and the third Idiom
42
3The holy city as the source of Traditional Authority
and the house of Harishchandra
50
Banaras as the Holy city of the Hindus the Myth
in interpretation
50
The Rajas of Banaras and the creation of Hindu tradition 64
The Brahman Presence and the tradition of Learning 94
The colonial Experience the missionary Impact and
Cultural interaction
107
The house of Harishchandra of Banaras 117
Conclusion 143
4Hindi as the national Language of the Hindus 146
The Genesis of Hindi 146
The Development of Hindu/Bhakha as a literary
Language
152
East India company: the Language split and the
College of fort William
161
Addressing the Hindus in Hindu Missionary Tracts
and school Books
169
The court language controversy: Increasing
politicization and Ideologization
175
Codifying the language: Grammars and Dictionaries 181
Occupying the public Sphere: Harishchandra and the
Nationalist aspiration of Hindi
191
Conclusion 217
5The national Identity of the Hindus and the
Emergence of Hindi Literature: The Periodicals as a
Discursive Sphere
222
Language Literature and the politics of 222
Hindi Journals and the Formation of the public Sphere 227
The Role of Harishchandra Literary and Journalistic
Persona
232
Kavivachansudha236
Harishchandrachandrika241
Balabodhini245
Social and Political space: Demarcating the Middle
Ground
251
Hindi as a Literary language and Hindi literature as
the Autobiography of the nation
267
Mapping the Literary Terrain: the generic Encounter279
Poetry282
Prose Narrative291
Drama300
Prose Essay314
Travelogues 322
Book Reviews 328
Conclusion 335
6The Only Real Religious of the Hindus338
The Traditionalist response and the public sphere:
Harishchandra’s three Phases
338
The Colonial Framework missionary representations 342
The first Phase: Roots and their Offshoots 351
The kast Dharma Sabha 355
Critique of Sacerdotal tradition 362
Second phase assimilations and Demarcations 366
The Debate with the Reformists the Defense of
Image worship
381
Orietenlist Discourse construing the true religious
traditions of the Hindus
390
The Third phase Dharma as constituting the nation 411
Conclusion 425
7 Conclusion 430
Bibliography 440
Index 467
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I just got my order and it’s exactly as I hoped it would be!
Nancy, USA.
It is amazing. I am really very very happy with your excellent service. I received the book today in an awesome condition. Thanks again.
Shambhu, New York.
Thank you for making available some many amazing literary works!
Parmanand Jagnandan, USA
I have been very happy with your service in selling Puranas. I have bought several in the past and am happy with the packaging and care you exhibit. Thank you for this Divine Service.
Raj, USA
Thank you very much! My grandpa received the book today and the smile you put on his face was priceless. He has been trying to order this book from other companies for months now. He only recently asked me for help and you have made this transaction so easy. My grandpa is so happy he wants to order two more copies. I am currently in the process of ordering 2 more.
Rinay, Australia
I would just let you know that today I received my order. It was packed so beautifully and what lovely service.
Caroline, Australia
I have received the book in good condition. Thanks a lot for your excellent service!
Gabe, Netherlands
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