When Frederick Copleston wrote his magnum opus A History of Philosophy he took into consideration only western philosophy. For him the term philosophy was applicable only to the western philosophical thoughts. For a long time it had been a common understanding that Philosophy as a branch of knowledge and as a rational inquiry belongs only to the western world. It took a long time when other philosophies could get their due respect and were considered as philosophies. However, even today the tribal worldviews are not taken seriously.
The present work by Professor Sujata Miri to present the achik Garo world view is a sincere attempt to bring out an authentic picture of a tribal world view to the philosophical community. She is very well aware of the challenges she would have to face in in her attempt. Possibly for this reason she begins her work with a clear statement "Philosophers generally do not take tribal worldviews as deserving of much serious attention." And in the concluding part of the book she argues for a unified conception of philosophy that not only emphasises unity and integration-a vision where philosophy addresses fundamental questions about existence, knowledge, and values within a cohesive framework but also recognises the value of diverse philosophical systems, including tribal worldviews.
I would like to congratulate Professor Sujata Miri for this valued publication.
Philosophers generally do not take tribal worldviews as deserving of much serious attention. Anthropologists have only done interesting studies of tribal worldviews. But here, the bounds of the discipline-even for scholars like Lévy-Strauss or Geertz-are such that world-views/religion remain a purely sociological or psychological phenomenon: it is explored for what it has to teach us about the structure of society and about how members of such a society relate themselves to the world around them or, about the psychological determinants of individual and community behaviour. Tribal world views are never studied (as Hindu, Muslim, or Christian world views are), as possible, more or less autonomous moral-epistemic frameworks in which the question of truth, falsehood, and good and evil can be explored and answered.
The modern theory of knowledge is the creature of the ideology of modern science, particularly the element of this ideology which stipulates that knowledge must be free of context and that it results from the correct application of rules by the knower in a situation of what may be called epistemic confrontation between the knower and the object of knowledge. The strict application of this yardstick has led modern rationalists to reject cognitive systems lacking the required verifiable evidence as primitive, superstitious and irrational. What can be called the sacred-secular dichotomy became the hallmark of scientific thinking, providing itself with a unique global mission-that of giving other traditions a universal framework of meaning and understanding. As a consequence of the process of secularisation that this generated, the spiritual space came to be reduced drastically in most cultures. Tribal religions, more importantly, were reduced from constituting the entire way of life of their peoples to otherworldly concerns with activities such as pilgrimage, prayer and so on. In this our present effort, we would like to turn to the view of a prominent tribe called A.chik of North-East India who hold the view that the entire world of nature and artefacts are permeated by an intangible force with which it is possible to communicate or be at least in touch.
As is the case, most traditional communities aim to awaken the spirit of their community (tribal or non-tribal) to enliven the community members with courage and confidence. For an adequate appreciation of any culture, questions such as the following are essential to ask and seek answers to:
1. What are its identity-defining aspirations, and what kinds of aspirations are peripheral and unimportant?
2. What kinds of limits to the idea of human happiness and human flourishing does the culture recognise?
3. What are its inner resources for dealing with cultures other than itself and values other than the ones embodied in its practices?
The most concrete and creative engagements with such questions within a culture are found in its religious tradition-the myths, rituals and stories in different contexts and situations.
People, as active agents in their culture, live a life that they consider worthwhile in accordance with the norms, rules, and regulations that they adhere to, and they expect other members of their community to do the same. Let me first give a general idea of the Garos and the various groups and subgroups in which they are divided (or united) because even though the Garo is one, it is in the divisions that she realises her diversity, makes friendships, and meaningful interactions. Amongst A.chiks (the original name of the Garos), a clan is known as chatchi. Opinions certainly differ about the actual number of clans found amongst the Garos. According to Mr. S. N. Barkataki', the Garos initially had three main clans: Marak, Momin and Sangma. Later, three additional clans emerged-Abeng, Areng, and Sira. All the clans are further divided into various sub-clans called ma'chong, which means "motherhood." Names of these ma'chongs are certainly inspired by the natural world-hills, rivers, animals, and birds. Further, the Garos are categorised into various sub-groups or sub-tribes, influenced by their place of residence, dialectical and cultural differences, and inter-tribal marriages. While some authors refer to these categories as sub-groups, others consider them sub-tribes. These include- Matchi, Ganching, Am'beng, Chisak, Ruga, Matjangchi/Matabeng, A'wes, Chibok, A'kawes, Dual, Megam, Atong.
The Garos, like the Khasis of the Northeast, follow a matrilineal family structure. Descent in Garo society is traced exclusively through the female line. The foundational social unit is the sub-clan, known as ma'chong. Members of a ma'chong trace their lineage back to a common female ancestor. Due to this matrilineal system, the mother is the head of the family, while the father is seen as an outsider who joins the family through marriage. Children inherit the clan or sub-clan name from their mother. Consequently, in Garo families, traditional customs do not require the father to play a dominant role.
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