Sub-Regional Ethnic Movements, Politics in Bengal (A Study on Namashudra-Kurmi-Rajbansi-Mahisya)

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The sub-regional social groups undertaken in this study hap-pen to be concentrated in specific geographical areas having mi-grational characteristics. The four indigenous groups, viz. Namashudra, Rajbansi, Mahishya and Kurmi Mahato have been placed in contiguous areas of East Bengal, North Bengal-Assam, Rarh Bengal and Jharkhand which later faced changes in bound-ary. The Namashudras were settled in five districts of East Ben-gal, Rajbansis in Rangpur (now in Bangla Desh), five North Ben-gal districts, and adjacent Assam districts, Mahishyas in Midnapore, Hooghly district, Kurmis in Manbhum (later Purulia), West Midnapore and Bankura district. Of the four groups, the Chandalas, earlier namesake of Namashudra were untouchables, the Kurmi Mahato, a scheduled tribe (later delisted) though not untouchable said to be treated such as our collected data suggest. The Rajbansi and Mahishya, were never treated as untouchable, though other social disabilities persist Bearing some common traits as numerical strength, agricul-ture, Missionary-fed education, distrust of the upper caste and nationalist movement, the four groups were victims of migration and displacement causing huge casualty and dismemberment. The groups tend to find fault with the caste system and upper caste domination for all their sufferings and deprivation. However, the areas of their settlement referred above had outsider lower caste or Muslim rulers. Moreover, the regions as such didn't have the presence of Kshatriya, Vaisya caste. The Kayastyaisation pro-cess arrived late in the region. The existence of Nabasakha castes provided exceptional characteristics to Jativarna system in Ben-gal. So far, the myth of age-long upper caste domination and so called caste hegemony, Muslim and backward castes' pre-con-ceived notion of free India as Varna Hindu India, Marxian and Webarian concept of Hindu India as 'Achalayatan' or a system of immobility, have occupied the space in academic discourses. The study of Gandhian activist Dharampal, Maddison study of World Economic History, Economic Census of India (2005) reveal the economic potentiality of mediaeval India and entrepreneurship of the backward caste people, Dharampal shows that before the British India, two-third of the Indian Kings were of backward castes Maddison data reveal that India and China were world's leading Maddomic engine till mid-eighteenth century Historiana C Majumdar has given instances of backward caste individuals' as. cension to top positions. As such, education and professions were accessible to backward class people, he held. In course of their movement for Kshatriyahood demand, the social groups tried to acquire higher status in the caste hierarchy. The movements started and gained momendum during 1900-10 after the British efforts to determine rank to every caste in the Census without having any expertise and knowledge of the sys-tem. The British authorities faced agitation and discontent of the major castes. Not only the backward, castes like Kayasta, Banik were ranked below the ladder. Such ranking by the British stabilised caste division which was supposed to be the creation of Hindu upper caste rulers. To further imperial interests, special provisions for depressed castes, later Scheduled castes, Scheduled tribes were invented. We have shown how these moves were motivated to alienate the backward castes from the nationalist movement. To get enlisted in the list of backward castes, the groups often recoursed to competitive expression of loyalty to the British. To justify ancient origin they digged up mythical stories, Puranas' men-tioning of caste names, folk sources. Often myths were used as history to prove that due to conjugal ralations of upper and low caste violating the endogamy rules, they're ruled as 'fallen' thus relegating to the lower echelon of Hindu hierarchy. For the sake of having reservation facilities, Kurmi Mahatos disowned their own history of Kshatriya movement. The Rajbansi leadership avowdly claimed scheduled category notwithstanding agelong Kshatriyahood demand. In the process myth and reality have been fused, as we've discussed in the chapter, 'Myth and Real Stories.

It has been a pleasure for me to go through the research project report submitted by Sajal Basu to the ICSSR, New Delhi who was a Senior Research Fellow during the period 2014-2016. Dr. Basu is a well known sociologist/social anthropologist who has worked con-siderably on ethnicity, ethnic mobilisation and ethnic politics in In dia. The current study is on sub-regional ethnic movements located in the eastern region of India more particularly in the state of undi-vided Bengal and West Bengal. The focussed groups are Kurmi Mahato, Namashudra, Mahishya and Rajbanshi. Dr. Basu is known for his unconventional approach, hence it is not surprising that there is no research question stated in the beginning of the study. As stated, Dr. Basu has tried to find out the 'origin and development of these groups, their original settlement and migration, the process of fusion and conglomeration, influence of Jativarna system on their economic role and status. Later on, to him some of these groups got politicised in course of the demand for separate state and the demand for recognition as ST's or SC's, As started by Dr. Basu in his research proposal, he intended to 'analyse various dimensions of political behaviour of the concerned ethnic groups in different times and and its role in democratisation of politics in West Bengal. He states that the study to be under-taken by him will focus on political and sociological aspects of the group's involvement, role in politics and their emergence as politi-cal force. He focused on political and sociological aspects of the groups' involvement, role in politics and their cmergence as a sig-nificant political force. Considering the proposed objective of the study in mind, he sought to explain the process of transformation of concerned caste groups to an ethnic group and related movements, politics in it. The study therefore, covers the history of the group's origin, and myths constructed to substantiate the claims of Kshatriyahood or Aryan origin, participation or non-participation of the referred groups in the anti-British struggle, the transformation of the caste groups to ethnic groups involved, rising political aware-ness and aspiration for share in power, at least at the local level and a place in the corridor of power at the state level. He therefore, intended to study the whole gamut of sub-regional politics and move-ments in the above context with special reference to the four ethnic groups and related areas In the first chapter of the report. Dr. Basu introduces the castes or social groups in question and then discussed the framework of the study. The introduction is unconventional in the sense that it does not contain or identify the research problem or there is no statement of the research problem, the research questions etc. He contends that the four groups have been victimised and deprived leading to displacement and forced migration. He states that he will start with the mythical stories regarding the origin of the groups. settlement and migration pattern, topographic position and impact of immigration, economic activities and occupational situation etc. and then move on to the demand of the organisation and associa tions mobilising them in recent times. In chapter two, Dr. Basu deals with the identity of the concerned communities which appears to him to be mixed. He answers a ques-tion how far, and whether the comunity people at large have been upgraded, having mobility to higher status? He looks at how the Rajbansis demanded various forms of Kshatriya status before in-dependence and then finally came to accept SC status in West Bengal, and in Assam how they have been accorded ST status. To him, the case of the Kurmis and Mahishyas is much different. The Kurmis and the Mahatos have disowned their own history. After hav-ing discussed the issue of dual identity, he comes to the question of the migration of the ethnic groups during different periods of time to different places in South Asia. He also moves on to the question of leadership of these movements. The central contention here is, the stereotype arguments of several scholars that the leadership of these movements was with the elites, more particularly the landed elites, is not correct. He argues that the leaders were not elites in the modern sense, but were from rural background who achieved mordern education and they came up to assert the basic rights of their people. The he comes to the issue of Kshatriyaisation and argues that land interest was the common factor for which the Kurmi and Rajbansi landholders, well off peasants took initiative in mobilising opinion in favour of Kshtriyahood demand. But what is more important to him is that the Kshatriya movement may be con-sidered as protective.

Dr. Basu (1941-) an experienced researcher and sociala ctivist, was a Senior Fellow in Indian Inst. of Advanced Study (Shimla), ICSSR (New Delhi), Director of several survey research projects. He has authored books in English and Bengali, edited volumes and biography of Bengal revolutionaries, his recent publications: Bharate Samajik Andalon (ed), Gandhi Chinta (ed), Indian Emergency 50. Banglar Rajnitir Padabali (1947-2022), Bhasa Andolan; Rajniti O Manchitra, in press; Underground Literature during Emergency (ed).

A well known sociologist / social anthropologist, Dr. Basu has worked considerably on ethnicity, ethnic mobilisation and ethnic politics in India. This study focus four groups Kurmi, Namashudra, Mahisya, Rajbansi located in eastern region, got politicised in course of demand for a separate state, recognition of SC, ST, though had a past history of Kshatriya movement. This study covers the history of the group's origin, myths constructed to substantiate the claims of Kshatryahood or Aryan origin, non-participation in anti-British struggle, their transformation to ethnic groups and aspiration for share in power. An important point Dr. Basu makes is the process of competing for access to resources on the basis of caste, led to changing the nature of caste, sub castes where caste become an accordian like in the process of expanding the democratic base. He contends that the social groups have gained little so far as hierarchy and overall social and political structures.