The process of Indian people's struggle for liberation from British imperialism began in the second half of the 19th century. What draws one's immediate attention to this struggle is the controversy not only around its nature and class character but also its political objectives and methods of agitation. Since its very inception, its spokesmen and leaders came to be attacked in the contemporary British official and non-official writings on the ground that they consciously or unconsciously represented the interests of the 'microscopic minority', 'the middle class' or 'the educated elite'. They were also accused of representing the interests of the landowning.
1 Lord Dufferin, the Viceroy of India, repeatedly characterised the Indian National Movement as that of the 'microscopic minority'. Dufferin to Northbrook, 16 Oct, 1886, Dufferin Papers, (D.P.); Dufferin's minute uncle sure to Home (Public) despatch to Secretary of State No. 67, dated 6 Nov. 1888; Dufferin, Speeches 1884-1888. All references are taken from Bipan Chandra, Lord Dufferin a d the character of the Indian National Leadership, See Bipan Chandra, Nationalism and Colonialism in Modern India, New Delhi, 1979; pp. 275-296.
2 Dufferin to Lord Cross, 20 March, 1887 (D.P,) The Secretary of State, Lord Cross put the point even more crudely in his Letter to Dufferin, 8 Sept, 1886. "But there are two distinct classes in India-first the masses, and the next the 'educated natives", (D.P.) For reference see, Bipan Chandra, ibid; p. 292. This official view point has been accepted uncritically by many modern scholars. see B.B. Misra, The Indian Middle Classes, London, 1961, pp. 346-356, P.C. Ghose, Indian National Congress 1892-1909, Calcutta, 1960, pp.41-42. The concept of elite has been systematically applied to the study of early nationalist leadership by Anil Seal. See his, Emergence of Indian Nationalism-a study in competition and collaboration in the later 19th century, London, 1968. For a critical evaluation of these assertions, consult Bipan Chandra, Rise and Growth of Economic Nationalism in India, New Delhi; 1966, pp, 736-759.
classes against those of the agriculturists. As such it was held that their programme and methods of agitation lacked 'effectiveness and their action did not enjoy mass support and, therefore, it was of little significance. It was also due to this fact, it was claimed by the colonial administrators, that their basic demands were outright rejected by the imperialists.
Undoubtedly their appreciation of some of the so-called positive achievements of British rule in India and the mild nature of their demands were determined by the fact that British rule did hold, for long, a promise to them, because, "In the material field they were attracted more by the potential than the real more by the hope than the fulfilment..."."
But with the passage of time when, "they found that their expectations remained unrealised and even appeared to recede farther and farther, they were filled with disappointment and dismay...". Their analysis of the British impact in general and the colonial economic policies in particular led them slowly but gradually to the conclusion that they were injurious to the interests of all the major social classes of India. That they were not able to provide either a 'radical programme' or to mobilise mass support in favour of their politics is altogether a different issue. The reasons for this should not, as has been generally the practice till the present time, be sought in their 'class character', but in their overall understanding of British rule and their initial hopes and expectations from it. What is important is that they were very much conscious of many of the limitations of their work, which they were convinced was of a preparatory nature. For example, Dadabhai Naoroji wrote to D. E. Wacha: The very discontent and impatience it (the Congress) has evoked against itself as slow and non-progressive among the rising generation are among its best results or fruits. It is in its own evolution and progress (the task is) to evolve the re-quired revolution-whether it would be peaceful or violent. The character of the revolution will depend upon the wisdom and unwisdom of the British Government and action of the British people.
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